I ily accept tto, -- quot;t government is best which

    governs leastquot;; and I so see it acted up to more rapidly

    and systematically.  Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which

    also I believe, -- quot;t government is best

    allquot;; and  he kind of

    government  best but an

    expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are

    sometimes, inexpedient.  tions w

    against a standing army, and ty, and deserve

    to prevail, may also at last be broug a standing

    government.  tanding army is only an arm of tanding

    government.  t itself, whe

    people o execute to be

    abused and perverted before t t.  itness

    t Mexican ively a few individuals

    using tanding government as tool; for, in tset, the

    people  ed to this measure.

    t --  but a tradition, though a

    recent one, endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity,

    but eacant losing some of its integrity?  It  the

    vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend

    it to  is a sort of o the people

    t it is not the

    people must ed macs

    din, to satisfy t idea of government whey have.

    Governments shus how successfully men can be imposed on, even

    impose on tage.  It is excellent, we

    must all allo t never of itself furthered any

    enterprise, but by ty  got out of its way.

    It does not keep try free.  It does not settle t.  It

    does not educate.  ter in in the American people has

    done all t  would

    more, if t  sometimes got in its way.  For

    government is an expedient by which men would fain succeed in

    letting one anot is most

    expedient, t let alone by it.  trade and

    commerce, if t made of India rubber, would never manage

    to bounce over tacles inually

    putting in to judge these men wholly by

    ts of tions, and not partly by tentions,

    to be classed and punishose mischievous

    persons ructions on the railroads.

    But, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who

    call t men, I ask for, not at once no

    government, but at once a better government.  Let every man make

    kno

    ep toaining it.

    After all, tical reason whe power is once in

    ty are permitted, and for a long

    period continue, to rule, is not because t likely to be

    in t, nor because t to ty, but

    because trongest.  But a government in

    be based on justice,

    even as far as men understand it.  Can t be a government in

    virtually decide rig

    conscience? -- in ions to

    izen ever

    for a moment, or in t degree, resign o the

    legislator?   we

    s, and subjects after is not desirable to

    cultivate a respect for t.  the only

    obligation o assume is to do at any time w

    I t.  It is truly enoug a corporation has no

    conscience; but a corporation of conscientious men is a corporation

    more just; and, by

    means of t for it, even the well-disposed are daily made

    ts of injustice.  A common and natural result of an undue

    respect for la you may see a file of soldiers, colonel,

    captain, corporal, privates, powder-monkeys, and all, marching in

    admirable order over o t their wills,

    ay, against t very

    steep marcation of t.

    t t it is a damnable business in whey are

    concerned; t are they?

    Men at all? or small movable forts and magazines, at the service of

    some unscrupulous man in po the Navy Yard, and behold a

    marine, suc can make, or suc

    can make a man s black arts -- a mere shadow and reminiscence

    of y, a man laid out alive and standing, and already, as one

    may say, buried under arms s, t

    may be

    quot;Not a drum e,

    As o t we hurried;

    Not a soldier disc

    Oer t;

    tate t as men mainly, but as

    macanding army, and the

    militia, jailers, constables, posse comitatus, etc.  In most cases

    tever of t or of the moral

    sense; but t th and

    stones; and  will serve

    t traw

    or a lump of dirt.  t of h only as horses

    and dogs.  Yet suceemed good

    citizens.  Ot legislators, politicians, lawyers,

    ministers, and office-ate cheir

    inctions, they are as

    likely to serve t intending it, as God.  A very

    fes, martyrs, reformers in t sense, and

    men, serve tate heir consciences also, and so necessarily

    resist it for t part; and treated as

    enemies by it.  A wise man will only be useful as a man, and will

    not submit to be quot;clay,quot; and quot;stop a o keep t;

    but leave t office to  at least:--

    quot;I am too o be propertied,

    to be a secondary at control,

    Or useful serving-man and instrument

    to any sovereign state t t;

    irely to o them

    useless and selfis ially to them is

    pronounced a benefactor and p.

    become a man to beohis American

    government to-day?  I ans   disgrace be

    associated .  I cannot for an instant recognize t

    political organization as my government whe slaves

    government also.

    All men recognize t of revolution; t is, t to

    refuse allegiance to, and to resist, t, ws

    tyranny or its inefficiency are great and unendurable.  But almost

    all say t suc t suchey

    tion of 75.  If one o tell me t this

    because it taxed certain foreign commodities

    brougo its ports, it is most probable t I s make an

    ado about it, for I can do  their

    friction; and possibly to counterbalance the

    evil.  At any rate, it is a great evil to make a stir about it.  But

    o s machine, and oppression and

    robbery are organized, I say, let us not have such a machine any

    longer.  In otion of a nation

    o be ty are slaves, and a

    ly overrun and conquered by a foreign army,

    and subjected to military la it is not too soon for

    men to rebel and revolutionize.   makes ty the

    more urgent is t t try so overrun is not our own,

    but ours is the invading army.

    Paley, a common auty ions, in his

    cer on t;Duty of Submission to Civil Government,quot; resolves

    all civil obligation into expediency; and o say t

    quot;so long as terest of ty requires it, t is,

    so long as tablis cannot be resisted or changed

    public inconveniency, it is t the

    establis be obeyed, and no longer....  this principle

    being admitted, tice of every particular case of resistance

    is reduced to a computation of tity of the danger and

    grievance on ty and expense of

    redressing it on t;  Of this, he says, every man shall

    judge for  Paley appears never to emplated

    to w apply, in which

    a people, as  do justice, cost

    may.  If I ly ed a plank from a dro

    restore it to o Paley,

    .  But  would save his life, in such a

    case, s.  t cease to o

    make  cost tence as a people.

    In tice, nations agree  does any one

    t Massacts does exactly

    crisis?

    quot;A drab of state, a clot,

    to rain borne up, and rail in t.quot;

    Practically speaking, ts to a reform in Massacts are

    not a icians at t a hundred

    ts and farmers erested in

    commerce and agriculture ty, and are not

    prepared to do justice to to Mexico, cost  may.

    I quarrel not   home,

    co-operate

    o say, t

    t improvement is slohe

    fe materially ter t is not so

    important t many s there be some

    absolute goodness somehe whole lump.

    to slavery and to the

    do noto put an end to them; who,

    esteeming ton and Franklin, sit down

    s, and say t t w

    to do, and do notpone tion of freedom to

    tion of free-trade, and quietly read t

    along est advices from Mexico, after dinner, and, it may

    be, fall asleep over t is t of an

    man and patriot to-day?  tate, and t, and

    sometimes tition; but t and h

    effect.  t, o remedy the

    evil, t t to regret.  At most, they give

    only a ce, and a feeble countenance and Godspeed, to the

    rig goes by ty-nine

    patrons of virtue to one virtuous man; but it is easier to deal

    emporary guardian

    of it.

    All voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon,

    moral tinge to it, a playing  and wrong,

    ions; and betting naturally accompanies it.  the

    cer of ters is not staked.  I cast my vote, perchance,

    as I t; but I am not vitally concerned t t right

    so leave it to ty.  Its

    obligation, t of expediency.  Even

    voting for t is doing not.  It is only expressing

    to men feebly your desire t it should prevail.  A wise man will

    not leave t to t to prevail

    ty.  t little virtue in

    tion of masses of men.  y s lengte

    for tion of slavery, it hey are

    indifferent to slavery, or because t little slavery left

    to be abolise.  the only slaves.

    Only e can en tion of slavery ws his

    own freedom by e.

    I ion to be  Baltimore, or elsewhere,

    for tion of a candidate for the Presidency, made up chiefly

    of editors, and men  I think,

    to any independent, intelligent, and respectable man w

    decision to?  S age of his

    count upon some

    independent votes?  Are t many individuals in try

    tend conventions?  But no: I find t table

    man, so called, ely drifted from ion, and

    despairs of ry, wry o despair

    of s one of tes ted as

    t he is himself available

    for any purposes of te is of no more h

    t of any unprincipled foreigner or ive, who may

    .  Oh for a man who is a man, and, as my neighbor

    says,  pass your hand

    tatistics are at fault: tion has been

    returned too large.  o a square thousand

    miles in try?   America offer any

    inducement for men to settle o

    an Odd Fellow -- one w of his

    organ of gregariousness, and a manifest lack of intellect and

    c and chief concern, on coming

    into to see t the almshouses are in good repair;

    and, before yet o collect a

    fund for t of t may be; who, in

    s ventures to live only by tual Insurance

    company, wo bury ly.

    It is not a mans duty, as a matter of course, to devote himself

    to tion of any, even t enormous wrong; he may

    still properly o engage  it is his

    duty, at least, to was, and, if  no

    t longer, not to give it practically .  If I devote

    myself to ots and contemplations, I must first see, at

    least, t I do not pursue tting upon another mans

    s get off , t he may pursue his

    contemplations too.  See ency is tolerated.  I

    o;I so hem

    order me out to  doion of to

    marco Mexico; -- see if I ;; and yet these very men have

    eacly by tly, at least, by

    titute.  the soldier is applauded who

    refuses to serve in an unjust  refuse to

    sustain t government whe war; is applauded by

    t and auty s at naught;

    as if tate ent to t degree t it o

    scourge it  not to t degree t it left off

    sinning for a moment.  the name of Order and Civil

    Government,  last to pay o and support our

    oer t bluss indifference;

    and from immoral it becomes, as it  quite

    unnecessary to t life which we have made.

    t and most prevalent error requires t

    disinterested virtue to sustain it.  t reproaco which

    tue of patriotism is commonly liable, t

    likely to incur.  ter

    and measures of a government, yield to it their allegiance and

    support are undoubtedly its most conscientious supporters, and so

    frequently t serious obstacles to reform.  Some are

    petitioning tate to dissolve to disregard the

    requisitions of t.   dissolve it

    tate -- and

    refuse to pay ta into its treasury?  Do not tand in

    tion to tate, t tate does to the Union?

    And  ted tate from resisting the

    Union, ing tate?

    isfied to entertain an opinion merely, and

    enjoy it?  Is t in it, if  he

    is aggrieved?  If you are ced out of a single dollar by your

    neig rest satisfied  you are

    ced, or  you are ced, or even h

    petitioning o pay you your due; but you take effectual steps at

    once to obtain t, and see t you are never ced

    again.  Action from principle -- tion and the performance

    of rigions; it is essentially

    revolutionary, and does not consist whing which was.

    It not only divides states and c divides families; ay, it

    divides ting the

    divine.

    Unjust la; sent to obey them, or shall we

    endeavor to amend til we have succeeded, or

    sransgress t once?  Men generally, under such a

    government as t t to  until they have

    persuaded ty to alter t, if they

    s, t it is

    t of t itself t the

    evil.  It makes it  more apt to anticipate and

    provide for reform?   not cs y?  hy

    does it cry and resist before it is ?   not encourage

    its citizens to be on t to point out its faults, and do

    better t would  always crucify C,

    and excommunicate Copernicus and Luton

    and Franklin rebels?

    One  a deliberate and practical denial of its

    auty emplated by government;

    else,  assigned its definite, its suitable and

    proportionate, penalty?  If a man

    once to earn nine sate,  in prison for a

    period unlimited by any la I knoermined only by the

    discretion of t if eal

    ninety times nine sate, ted to

    go at large again.

    If tice is part of tion of the

    mac, let it go, let it go; perc will wear

    smootainly t.  If tice has

    a spring, or a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for

    itself, t be

    if it is of sucure t it requires

    you to be t of injustice to anothe

    la your life be a counter friction to stop t

    I o do is to see, at any rate, t I do not lend myself to

    the wrong which I condemn.

    As for adopting tate has provided for

    remedying t of sucake too much

    time, and a mans life tend

    to.  I came into t co make this a good place

    to live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad.  A man

    everyto do, but somet do

    everyt is not necessary t hing wrong.

    It is not my business to be petitioning the

    Legislature any more t is to petition me; and if they

    s ition, his

    case tate s very Constitution is the

    evil.  to be ubborn and unconciliatory;

    but it is to treat most kindness and consideration the

    only spirit t can appreciate or deserves it.  So is an change for

    tter, like birthe body.

    I do not ate to say, t themselves

    Abolitionists s once effectually ,

    boty, from t of Massacts,

    and not  till titute a majority of one, before they

    suffer t to prevail t it is enough

    if t ing for t other one.

    Moreover, any man more rigitutes a

    majority of one already.

    I meet t, or its representative, the

    State government, directly, and face to face, once a year -- no more

    -- in ts tax-gathe only mode in which

    a man situated as I am necessarily meets it; and it then says

    distinctly, Recognize me; and t, t effectual, and,

    in t posture of affairs, t mode of

    treating  on ttle

    satisfaction , is to deny it then.  My civil

    neigax-gato deal h --

    for it is, after all,   t I quarrel

    -- and arily co be an agent of t.

    he

    government, or as a man, until o consider wher he

    sreat me, , as a neighbor

    and urber of the peace,

    and see if  over truction to his neighborliness

    a ruder and more impetuous t or speech corresponding

    ion?  I kno if one thousand, if one

    en men wen  men only --

    ay, if one  man, in tate of Massacts, ceasing to

    ually to nership, and

    be locked up in ty jail t ion

    of slavery in America.  For it matters not he beginning

    may seem to be:  we love

    better to talk about it: t we say is our mission.  Reform keeps

    many scores of nes service, but not one man.  If my

    esteemed neigates ambassador, we his days

    to ttlement of tion of s in the Council

    Cead of being tened he prisons of Carolina,

    o sit dots, t State which is

    so anxious to foist ter -- t

    present s of inality to be the

    ground of a quarrel ure  wholly

    ter.

    Under a government rue place

    for a just man is also a prison.  to-day, the only

    place wts has provided for her freer and less

    desponding spirits, is in o be put out and locked out

    of tate by , as t t

    by t is t tive slave, and the

    Mexican prisoner on parole, and to plead the wrongs

    of  separate, but more free and

    ate places t h

    against ate in which a

    free man can abide  their influence

    t the ear of

    tate, t t be as an enemy s hey

    do not knoronger than error, nor how much

    more eloquently and effectively  injustice who has

    experienced a little in  your  a

    strip of paper merely, but your wy is

    poo ty; it is not even a

    minority t it is irresistible s whole

    ive is to keep all just men in prison, or

    give up ate  ate wo

    c to pay tax-bills this

    year, t  be a violent and bloody measure, as it would be

    to pay tate to commit violence and shed

    innocent blood.  t, tion of a peaceable

    revolution, if any sucax-gatherer, or any

    ot;But w shall I

    do?quot; my ans;If you really hing, resign your

    office.quot;   he officer

    ion is accomplis

    even suppose blood s a sort of blood shed

    whis wound a mans real

    manality flo, and o an everlasting

    deathis blood flowing now.

    I emplated t of ther

    the same

    purpose -- because t t right, and

    consequently are most dangerous to a corrupt State, commonly have

    not spent mucime in accumulating property.  to sucate

    renders comparatively small service, and a sligax is  to

    appear exorbitant, particularly if to earn it by

    special labor here were one who lived wholly

    tate itself e to demand

    it of  t to make any invidious comparison

    -- is alo titution which makes him rich.

    Absolutely speaking, tue; for money

    comes betains them for him; and

    it ainly no great virtue to obtain it.  It puts to rest many

    questions o answer; whe

    only neion s is t superfluous one, how

    to spend it.  taken from under .

    tunities of living are diminision as w are

    called t;meansquot; are increased.  t thing a man can do for

    ure o carry out those

    scertained he

    o tion.  quot;She

    tribute-money,quot; said ook a penny out of ;

    -- if you use money w, and which

    and valuable, t is, if you are men of the

    State, and gladly enjoy tages of Caesars government, then

    pay ; quot;Render therefore

    to Caesar t hings which are

    Godsquot; -- leaving to which was which;

    for t wiso know.

    of my neighbors, I perceive

    t,  tude and seriousness of

    tion, and tranquillity, the long

    and t of tter is, t t spare the

    protection of ting government, and the

    consequences to ty and families of disobedience to it.

    For my o, I s like to t I ever rely on the

    protection of tate.  But, if I deny ty of tate

    s its tax-bill, it ake and e all my

    property, and so  end.  this is

    impossible for a man to live ly, and at

    time comfortably in outs.  It  be h

    to accumulate property; t o go again.

    You must  somew a small crop, and

    eat t soon.  You must live hin yourself, and depend upon

    yourself alucked up and ready for a start, and not have many

    affairs.  A man may grow ricurkey even, if he will be in all

    respects a good subject of turkis.  Confucius said,

    quot;If a state is governed by ty and

    misery are subjects of sate is not governed by the

    principles of reason, rics of s;

    No: until I  tection of Massacts to be extended to

    me in some distant Sout, wy is endangered, or

    until I am bent solely on building up an estate at home by peaceful

    enterprise, I can afford to refuse allegiance to Massacts, and

    to my property and life.  It costs me less in every sense

    to incur ty of disobedience to tate t o

    obey.  I s case.

    Some years ago, tate met me in behe Church, and

    commanded me to pay a certain sum to of a clergyman

    never I myself.  quot;Pay,quot; it

    said, quot;or be locked up in t;  I declined to pay.  But,

    unfortunately, anot to pay it.  I did not see whe

    scer saxed to support t, and not the

    priest ter: for I  tates scer, but

    I supported myself by voluntary subscription.  I did not see whe

    lyceum s present its tax-bill, and ate to back

    its demand, as  t of the

    selectmen, I condescended to make some sucatement as this in

    ing:-- quot;Knos, t I, horeau,

    do not ed society

    ;  to town clerk; and he has

    it.  tate,  I did not wiso be

    regarded as a member of t church, has never made a like demand on

    me since; t said t it must ado its original

    presumption t time.  If I o name them, I should

    tail from all ties which I never

    signed on to; but I did not knoe list.

    I ax for six years.  I  into a jail

    once on t, for one nigood considering the

    one, t the door of wood and

    iron, a foot ting , I

    could not ruck  institution

    ed me as if I were mere fleso be

    locked up.  I  it s lengt

    t use it could put me to, and  to

    avail itself of my services in some , if there was a

    one betoill more

    difficult one to climb or break t to be

    as free as I  for a moment feel confined, and the

    e of stone and mortar.  I felt as if I

    alone of all my to know

    o treat me, but behaved like persons who are underbred.  In

    every t and in every compliment they

    t t my co stand t

    stone  but smile to see riously they

    locked tations, w again

    let or  was

    dangerous.  As t reaco punish

    my body; just as boys, if t come at some person against

    ate

    ed, t it imid as a lone h her silver

    spoons, and t it did not knos friends from its foes, and I

    lost all my remaining respect for it, and pitied it.

    tate never intentionally confronts a mans sense,

    intellectual or moral, but only  is not

    armed  or y, but h superior physical

    strengt born to be forced.  I er my own

    fas us see .   force has a

    multitude?  than I.

    to become like t hear of men being

    forced to  by masses of men.   sort of life

    to live?   a government ;Your

    money or your life,quot; o give it my money?

    It may be in a great strait, and not knoo do: I cannot help

    t.  It must self; do as I do.  It is not he while

    to snivel about it.  I am not responsible for the successful working

    of ty.  I am not the engineer.  I

    perceive t,  fall side by side, the

    one does not remain inert to make  both obey

    t they can,

    till one, percroys t

    cannot live according to its nature, it dies; and so a man.

    t in prison eresting enoughe

    prisoners in t-sleeves he

    evening air in tered.  But the jailer said,

    quot;Come, boys, it is time to lock upquot;; and so they dispersed, and I

    eps returning into tments.

    My room-mate roduced to me by t;a first-rate

    fello;  he door was locked, he showed me

    ers the rooms

    , he

    , most simply furnisest apartment

    in toed to know where I came from, and

    w brougold him, I asked him in my

    turn o be an  man, of

    course; and, as t;; said he,

    quot;t I never did it.quot;  As near as

    I could discover, o bed in a barn when drunk,

    and smoked .  he

    reputation of being a clever man, hs

    ing for rial to come on, and  as much

    longer; but e domesticated and contented, since

    t reated.

    if one

    stayed to look out the

    s t  there, and

    examined w, and we

    ory of ts

    of t room; for I found t even ory and a

    gossip he jail.

    Probably town where verses are

    composed, ed in a circular form, but not

    publise a long list of verses which were

    composed by some young men ed in an attempt to

    escape, whem.

    I pumped my fellow-prisoner as dry as I could, for fear I should

    never see  at length he showed me which was my bed,

    and left me to blo the lamp.

    It ravelling into a far country, such as I had never

    expected to beo lie t.  It seemed to me

    t I never orike before, nor the evening

    sounds of t he windows open, which

    ing.  It o see my native village in the

    ligurned into a Rhine

    stream, and visions of knigles passed before me.  they

    I reets.  I was

    an involuntary spectator and auditor of wever was done and said

    in tc village-inn -- a wholly new and rare

    experience to me.  It ive town.  I was

    fairly inside of it.  I never s institutions before.

    ts peculiar institutions; for it is a sown.  I

    began to compre its inants .

    In ts  the

    door, in small oblong-square tin pans, made to fit, and holding a

    pint of ce, hey

    called for to return w

    bread I ; but my comrade seized it, and said t I should

    lay t up for luncer  out to work

    at  every day, and

    be back till noon; so  he

    doubted if he should see me again.

    of prison -- for some one interfered, and paid

    t tax -- I did not perceive t great caken place on

    t in a youth and emerged a

    tottering and gray- a co my eyes come

    over toate, and country -- greater than

    any t mere time could effect.  I sa more distinctly the

    State in ent the people among whom

    I lived could be trusted as good neig their

    friends t greatly

    propose to do rig tinct race from me by their

    prejudices and superstitions, as t

    in to y, t even to

    ty; t after all t so noble but they

    treated treated tain

    outicular

    straigime to time, to save their souls.

    to judge my neig many

    of t a titution as the jail

    in their village.

    It om in our village, wor

    came out of jail, for ances to salute him, looking

    to represent ting

    of a jail ;;  My neig te

    me, but first looked at me, and t one another, as if I had

    returned from a long journey.  I  into jail as I o

    to get a s out

    t morning, I proceeded to finis

    on my mended sy,  to

    put t; and in he

    ackled --  of a huckleberry field,

    on one of our  ate was

    nowo be seen.

    tory of quot;My Prisons.quot;

    I ax, because I am as

    desirous of being a good neig;

    and as for supporting sc to educate my

    fellorymen no is for no particular item in tax-bill

    t I refuse to pay it.  I simply o the

    State, to and aloof from it effectually.  I do not

    care to trace till it buys a

    man or a musket to s one  -- but I

    am concerned to trace ts of my allegiance.  In fact, I

    quietly declare ate, after my fashough I will

    still make  age of her I can, as is usual

    in such cases.

    If otax why

    ate, t heir own

    case, or rat injustice to a greater extent the

    State requires.  If tax from a mistaken interest in the

    individual taxed, to save y, or prevent o

    jail, it is because t considered wisely

    te feelings interfere he public good.

    tion at present.  But one cannot be too

    muc ion be biased by

    obstinacy or an undue regard for t him see

    t  belongs to o the hour.

    I times, hey are only

    ignorant; tter if they knew how: why give your

    neigo treat you as t inclined to?  But I

    they do, or

    permit oto suffer mucer pain of a different kind.

    Again, I sometimes say to myself,

    ,  ill- personal feeling of any kind, demand

    of you a fey, sucheir

    constitution, of retracting or altering t demand, and

    ty, on your side, of appeal to any other

    millions, e force?  You

    do not resist cold and hus

    obstinately; you quietly submit to a ties.

    You do not put your o t just in proportion as I

    regard t  partly a human force,

    and consider t I ions to to so many

    millions of men, and not of mere brute or inanimate things, I see

    t appeal is possible, first and instantaneously, from to the

    Maker of to t, if I

    put my ely into to fire

    or to to blame.  If I

    could convince myself t I  to be satisfied h men

    as to treat t according, in

    some respects, to my requisitions and expectations of hey and

    I ougo be, talist, I should

    endeavor to be satisfied  is the

    ween

    resisting te or natural force, t I can

    resist t; but I cannot expect, like Orpo

    cure of trees and beasts.

    I do not ion.  I do not wish

    to split o make fine distinctions, or set myself up as

    better ther, I may say, even an excuse

    for conforming to t too ready to

    conform to to suspect myself on this

    ax-gatherer comes round, I find myself

    disposed to revies and position of tate

    conformity.

    quot;e must affect our country as our parents,

    And if at any time e

    Our love or industry from doing it honor,

    e must respect effects and teache soul

    Matter of conscience and religion,

    And not desire of rule or benefit.quot;

    I believe t tate o take all my work

    of t out of my ter a

    patriot trymen.  Seen from a lo of view,

    titution, s faults, is very good; the

    courts are very respectable; even tate and this American

    government are, in many respects, very admirable and rare things,

    to be t many

    seen from a point of vietle  I have

    described till, and t, who shall

    say  t or thinking of

    at all?

    does not concern me much, and I shall

    besto possible ts on it.  It is not many moments

    t I live under a government, even in this world.  If a man is

    t-free, fancy-free, imagination-free, t w never

    for a long time appearing to be to him, unwise rulers or reformers

    cannot fatally interrupt him.

    I kno most men tly from myself; but those

    o tudy of these or

    kindred subjects, content me as little as any.  Statesmen and

    legislators, standing so completely itution, never

    distinctly and nakedly be.  ty, but

    ing-place  it.  tain

    experience and discrimination, and  invented ingenious

    and even useful systems, for w all

    t and usefulness lie ain not very s.

    t to forget t t governed by policy and

    expediency.  ebster never goes be, and so cannot

    speak y about it.  o those

    legislators e no essential reform in ting

    government; but for te for all time,

    t.  I knohose whose serene

    and ions on ts of

    ality.  Yet, compared he cheap

    professions of most reformers, and till cheaper wisdom and

    eloquence of politicians in general,  the only

    sensible and valuable hank heaven for him.

    Comparatively, rong, original, and, above all,

    practical.  Still, y is not  prudence.  the

    larut trut consistency or a consistent

    expediency.  trut

    concerned co reveal tice t may consist h

    wrong-doing.  o be called, as he has been called,

    titution.  to be

    given by  defensive ones.   a leader, but a

    follower.  ;I have never made an

    effort,quot; ;and never propose to make an effort; I have never

    countenanced an effort, and never mean to countenance an effort, to

    disturb t as originally made, by whe various

    States came into t;  Still tion which

    titution gives to slavery, ;Because it

    of t -- let it stand.quot;  Notanding his

    special acuteness and ability, o take a fact out of

    its merely political relations, and be as it lies absolutely

    to be disposed of by tellect -- ance, it

    beo do o-day o slavery,

    but ventures, or is driven, to make some suce answer as

    to speak absolutely, and as a

    private man -- from w new and singular code of social

    duties mig;t; says ;in whe

    governments of tates o regulate it

    is for tion, under ty to their

    constituents, to ty, y, and

    justice, and to God.  Associations formed elsewhere, springing from

    a feeling of y, or any otever to

    do .  t from me, and

    t;

    trutraced up

    its stream no and, and and, by the

    Constitution, and drink at it ty; but

    t comes trickling into t

    pool, gird up tinue their pilgrimage

    tos fountain-head.

    No man ion has appeared in America.

    tory of tors,

    politicians, and eloquent men, by t the speaker has

    not yet opened o speak he

    mucions of ts own

    sake, and not for any trut may utter, or any

    may inspire.  Our legislators  yet learned tive

    value of free-trade and of freedom, of union, and of rectitude, to a

    nation.  talent for comparatively humble

    questions of taxation and finance, commerce and manufacturers and

    agriculture.  If  solely to t of legislators

    in Congress for our guidance, uncorrected by the seasonable

    experience and tual complaints of the people, America would

    not long retain ions.  For eighteen hundred

    years, t to say it, testament

    ten; yet wor who has wisdom and

    practical talent enougo avail  w sheds

    on tion?

    ty of government, even suco submit

    to -- for I er

    ther know nor can do so

    ill an impure one: to be strictly just, it must have

    tion and consent of t can

    over my person and property but o it.  the progress

    from an absolute to a limited monarced monarco a

    democracy, is a progress torue respect for the individual.

    Even to regard the

    individual as the empire.  Is a democracy, such as we

    kno, t improvement possible in government?  Is it not

    possible to take a step furtowards recognizing and organizing

    ts of man?  there will never be a really free and

    enligate until tate comes to recognize the individual

    as a  power, from ws own power and

    auty are derived, and treats him accordingly.  I please myself

    ate at least  to all

    men, and to treat t as a neighbor; which

    even  t inconsistent s own repose if a few

    o live aloof from it, not meddling , nor embraced by

    it, wies of neighbors and fellow-men.  A

    State  to drop off as

    fast as it ripened, ill more perfect

    and glorious State,  yet anywhere

    seen.